グアテマラのRios Montt元大統領により、軍隊による36年間の先住民のマヤ民族の計画的·
組織的 民族虐殺で200'000人あまりが殺害される。
REPORTAJE
Las heridas de Guatemala
El juicio abierto al general Ríos Montt por genocidio pone al país centroamericano ante los horrores de su pasado reciente.
Viajamos tras las huellas de una guerra interna que dejó 200.000 muertos, en su mayoría indígenas en las zonas rurales.
Ríos de sangre Montt
La Guatemala de Ríos Montt
Víctimas de violaciones masivas testifican en el juicio a Ríos Montt
Ofelia de Pablo / Javier Zurita 15 ABR 2013 - 13:02 CET
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A Utuy lo capturaron y torturaron en 1982. Asesinaron a toda su familiay ha vuelto a formar un hogar. “Hasta que no haya justicia no podremos cerrar las heridas”, dice. / Ofelia de Pablo y Javier Zurita
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Almudena Bernabéu, letrada valenciana, trabaja en casos de justicia universal en la Audiencia Nacional y en Estados Unidos de la mano de la ONG Center of Justice and Accountability. En 2006 se incorporó al caso guatemalteco. / Ofelia de Pablo y Javier Zurita
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Fredy Peccerelli, antropólogo forense, dirige el equipo de la Fundación de Antropología Forense de Guatemala (FAFG), la organización no gubernamental que exhuma los cuerpos de víctimas. / Ofelia de Pablo y Javier Zurita
FEATURE
Guatemala wounds
The open trial of General Rios Montt for genocide puts the Central American country to the horrors of the recent past.
We travel in the footsteps of an internal war that left 200,000 dead, mostly rural indigenous.
Rios Montt blood
Rios Montt's Guatemala
Mass rape victims testify in the trial of Rios Montt
Ofelia de Pablo / Javier Zurita 15 ABR 2013 - 13:02 CET
My name Tiburcio Utuy, Chajul am. It was in March 1982. We had no food and organized a group of three people to go looking cane. When we were walking in the mountains, I could see the imprint of a shoe and I thought the army was ambushed, when I suddenly felt that army soldiers grabbed me and I screamed, and then I said, 'Do not cry, son of bitch '. And then began to torture me, tied my hands and my feet really hard back then covered my mouth, and all my belly and my head was later reunited with my feet back, and had set fire, and went to bring firebrands and put me in the eye here in the belly and testicles and then I went down my breathing. It completely opened my stomach and intestines are left me. "
Tiburcio is one of the victims of the massacres committed by the army of Guatemala during the internal conflict that ravaged the country for 36 years. Your story will be heard, along with 150 witnesses over the killings, by former General Ríos Montt Guatemala. It is the first time in history that a Latin American court judge a president for genocide. Another responsible defendants, General Romeo Lucas Garcia, died in 2006.
A Utuy captured and tortured in 1982. They killed all his familyand has returned to make a home. "Until there is justice we can not heal the wounds," he says. / Ofelia de Pablo and Javier Zurita
The war between the government and the guerrillas have caused more than 200,000 deaths, most-about 83% - were indigenous Mayans were involved in a series of systematic torture that were part of an organized plan from the army to end ethnicity and so seize their land, as the report Guatemala: Memory of Silence, prepared in 1999 by the Commission for the Establishment (CEH) and supported by the UN. After taking power in a coup in 1982 by General Jose Efrain Rios Montt, the violence reached new heights of brutality. Today the former dictator will be tried for the murder of at least 1,771 indigenous Ixil referenced during his tenure between 1982 and 1983.
One of the witnesses of the massacres in the area is Antonio Caba, a resident of the village of Hom, Ixil region population. Antonio was 11 years old when he witnessed the killing of his parents: "It was 1982, around five o'clock, killed 95 people, we were forced to pass on the dead, heads games, much blood was there. And it all happened in the square where the market did. There were pregnant women disembowelled them and took the baby. "
We were forced to pass on the dead and paved the pregnant belly to remove the baby "
During the forties, in Guatemala, the huge social inequalities between a majority indigenous population and a minority sly or hispanized-mestizo population, which concentrated all productive assets, led to social movements demanding change. Between 1944 and 1954 there was a call democratic spring, which were carried out, among others, land reforms favoring the poor. These changes did not like the multinational United Fruit Company, which had a monopoly of the fruit in Guatemala, and local landowners. U.S. intelligence reforms considered as "communists" and attributed to Soviet influence. In 1954, the CIA orchestrated a coup in Guatemala-Success-called Operation to remove the elected president Jacobo Arbenz and put in place Colonel Castillo Armas. That meant the end of the reforms, the prohibition of trade unions and the beginning of a long succession of generals and military rulers who used the army as a repressive force of social demands. It spread the idea that there was a subversive enemy supported by the people. With this excuse, and taking advantage of racism in Guatemalan society to the Maya, it orchestrated a plan to exterminate the indigenous ethnic group, which is accused of helping the guerrillas.
"In Guatemala there is clear racism against the Mayan population, and this was used to destroy it without the rest of society to do anything about it," said Spanish lawyer Almudena Bernabeu. She directs the international legal team that brought the genocide trial for the case is judged in Guatemala today. A clear example of this racism is the terminology used by the army in military operations which relate to children who murder as "chocolates". "This happened in Rwanda, in Nazi Germany, the Balkans ..." says Bernabeu. "The prosecutions for human rights violations are slow because its so hard to seek justice from the hand of a State who raped you, I besieged and massacred you."
It's 12 am and the road seems endless. The mountains of the department of Quiche, in the northwestern part of Guatemala City, began to take shape on the horizon. The villages in the Ixil area where extreme hardness slammed the army, still seem far away. We turn next to Almudena Bernabeu and his Guatemalan counterpart Renata Avila Chajul village, where they live today many of the witnesses of the massacres survivors of the conflict.
After the small parade car window humble houses, hauling cattle herders and children walking infinite distances to go to school. Images of peace that hide one of the most heinous crimes committed in Latin America: 626 murders and one and half million displaced only between 1978 and 1983, these figures speak for themselves. Tiburcio Utuy welcomes us into the village of Chajul. At 78 it is hard to walk by the torture he suffered when he was abducted. Almudena Bernabeu and he was seen hugging. "There is much that we shared in these seven years of joint struggle."
Almudena Bernabeu, Valencian lawyer, working on universal justice cases in the High Court and the United States by the hand of the NGO Center of Justice and Accountability. In 2006 he joined the Guatemalan case. / Ofelia de Pablo and Javier Zurita
It was in 2006 when this lawyer Valencia, who works in universal justice cases in the High Court and the United States by the hand of the NGO Center of Justice and Accountability, joined the case of Guatemala. But their struggle for universal justice is long: "There is no direct precedent in my family, but over the years I've realized that perhaps the silence of my grandparents about their stay in a concentration camp during the Civil War and resignation with which he hid him induce me to dedicate myself to this. Universal justice came by accident, but the principle of formal borders and human beat to exercise a duty to protect people what I have written in the soul. "
The first case of genocide, terrorism and systematic torture against Rios Montt and seven other Guatemalan Army officers was presented at the Spanish National Court for the Nobel Peace Prize Rigoberta Menchú in 1999. Menchú, who was lauded in 1992 for his fight in defense of indigenous peoples, had to see how his father was burnt alive by officers led by General Lucas Garcia along with 36 other people in the Spanish Embassy in Guatemala while demonstrating peacefully for their rights.
In Guatemala there is racism against the Mayan population that was used to destroy any social unanswered "
"Seven years after the filing of the complaint Rigoberta genocide, the case had stalled and was in 2006 when they decided to come to us," said Almudena Bernabeu. The successful experience of the lawyer in the case Jesuits in El Salvador, where he won exviceministro prove the guilt of the murders of Salvadoran Spanish Jesuits, warranted their work. Coordinated in record time a group of experts in different fields to gather hard evidence of the genocide against the indigenous population. The National Court in 2007 issued an indictment for genocide against the eight Guatemalan generals. When the process was already underway, Guatemala authorities refused to extradite the accused. The judge then decided to invite Pedraz testimony by witnesses to the killings to Spain. "I traveled to Madrid in 2008," recalls Tiburcio. "For me it was unbelievable that a judge for the first time in my life heard anything I had experienced." Tiburcio introduces us to his second wife and children from his second marriage. All his previous family, children, wife, cousins, uncles, all were killed by the army. "I'm trying to rebuild my life, but until there is justice we can not heal the wounds". His testimony will be one of the key pieces in the trial of Guatemala.
In the kitchen smokes pot Tiburcio's wife has been simmering. He grabs a chair and without even blinking tells his story: "I went to put in a room of the military zone of Quiche. I was there as 12 days. It was a room full of blood, the simple drag of all the people who killed. There were a lot of shoes, belts, boots, and up to two meters, two thousand people who died there. They beat me, I broke the head, chest broke me, I broke three ribs, I took the nails and teeth and all those blows suffered, but thank God I'm alive to report it here. "
In Nebaj, one of the villages in the Ixil area, is market day. The sidewalks of the village have been colonized by a swarm of colorful blouses that are mixed with the pleasant smell of flowers and vegetable stalls. Life has returned to the streets until recently stained by blood and terror, but, says Feliciana Macario, "still living among us fear and pain." Feliciana is director of the National Coordination of Widows of Guatemala (Conavigua). The nearby village women want to share their testimonies with Feliciana. To Mary Castro, one of the witnesses who testified in the High Court in 2008, his son was killed in revenge after returning from Spain. "The same people who raped during the conflict live in the village with us, laugh at us as we passed, no justice", says Teresa Sic. She was raped by 150 men of a military detachment along with the PAC, civil defense patrols. Then recaptured for two weeks and raped her and another woman every day, leaving only to sleep rest. According to the Commission's report, some 100,000 women were raped during the armed conflict, of which 35% were girls. 97% of the violations have been attributed to the military and the PACs.
Along Dona Teresa is Faustina. With his calm voice speaks of what he saw in his village in the eighties: "The girls had tied the hands and feet, in four stakes, and so they had been raped. They were naked and with signs of rape. There was a girl still alive, but he could not talk because he had cut his mouth. " Maria Toch come to this appointment with your beautiful huipil blue and red colors. It looks tired and sad. It relies on her granddaughter walking. "All this we do to witness just for them," he says pointing. "We will not happen again." All women Feliciana match when he says that "every unpunished violence of the past is the direct consequence of the violence of the present."
Fredy Peccerelli, forensic anthropologist, leads the team of the Forensic Anthropology Foundation of Guatemala (FAFG), non-governmental organization exhumed the bodies of victims. / Ofelia de Pablo and Javier Zurita
Patricia Yoj Mayan ethnicity is lawyer and one of the women who have helped the team coordinated by Almudena Bernabeu to collect witness statements were needed to prove the genocide. "Every day there are new cases of violence especially against women," he explains. "Guatemala has become the capital of femicide in Latin America, surpassing even Ciudad Juarez." The murders of women-more than 700 in 2012 - often accompanied by savage torture and mutilation. This, the lawyers agree, is due to "the impunity of these crimes during the conflict, the murder and sexual torture have become normal, only 2% of these cases go to trial."
"Ending all Maya is a very difficult task, but if you destroy women, you ensure that the population is diminished and eventually disappears, is one of the cruelest ways to kill a people," says Paloma Soria, of the NGO Women's Link Worldwide. Soria expert has been appointed to try the case as genocide gender violence during the conflict. The massacres, rape and torture sporadic were not enough to stop "the enemy subversive." Between 1978 and 1983 he developed the five black, which became indiscriminate massacres against civilians.
All unpunished violence of the past is the direct consequence of the violence of this "
Guatemala's army under the leadership of the military ruler Efrain Rios Montt in 1982 led a deliberate counterinsurgency campaign aimed at massacring defenseless peasants, as described by Kate Doyle documentary, in its report on Guatemala for the National Security Archive. In this campaign was called scorched earth plan, and details of all operations appear in a secret document Guatemalan military intelligence called Operation Sofia. The appearance of these original documents in 2009, delivered anonymously, allowed for the first time publicly glimpse hidden military files. The 359 pages of its records contain explicit references to the murder of unarmed men, women and children, burning houses, destroying crops, slaughtering and indiscriminate aerial bombardments against refugees trying to escape the violence. Doyle was responsible within the team coordinated by Almudena Bernabeu, to verify these documents that are now a key test of judgment. "We have determined that these records were created by military officers in order to plan and implement a scorched earth policy in Quiche Maya communities," says Doyle. "The documents record genocidal military attacks against indigenous populations".
Paul witnessed these bombings watching his daughter die: "I witnessed how the army, having besieged the farm Sichel, threw grenades into it. As a result of the grenades, five girls were killed, including my daughter Cristina. " Attacks like this forced people to flee their villages. It is estimated that there was one and half million displaced, who had to hide in the mountains with no food, no medicine and no clothes. If they left "the clear", as they said, were killed and so were born population communities in resistance (CPR). In flight, many lost family. "Children who strayed were killed or burned. I dug axes in the head, behead, sometimes with helicopters bombed us as we fled, "says Feliciana Macario sobbing.
Part of the team of forensic anthropologists sorts and classifies the bones obtained from the grave in the cemetery of the capital, La Verbena. / Ofelia de Pablo and Javier Zurita
We are in Guatemala City and there are 30 degrees in the shade. The air is heated under the plastic roof act as while waiting next to the huge mass graves in the municipal cemetery of La Verbena to arrive Fredy Peccerelli, team manager of the Forensic Anthropology Foundation of Guatemala. Before our eyes parade black bags with bones that are stacked and labeled by forensic investigators. Looking at the 45,000 disappeared as part of the 200,000 victims of the genocide. Peccerelli nineties leads from gathering the pieces of this puzzle of death to prove one of the worst genocides in Latin America. "Guatemala is as it is, there are 6,000 murders a year, because there was never justice for the crimes of the conflict," says Peccerelli. "Many of the people who committed these crimes are now in power."
After the exhumation of mass graves in the region of Quiche Peccerelli has launched a project that, in his words, you can change the future of Guatemala. "Here were cast," he says, pointing to one of the holes of more than 17 meters from the cemetery where we are, "the remains of ladino people would now be the new generation of leaders in Guatemala. In these graves lie with a shot to the skull writers, journalists, intellectuals, trade unionists ... ". Peccerelli speaks of racism that still exists in his country: "We have unearthed thousands of bodies of victims killed by the State Mayan and Guatemalan society has given importance to what happened there. Maybe now see the reality, here are families the same as theirs. Society must assume her past and stop tell whether the dead are Mayan or not. " In Guatemala there are those who think it is better not to open the wounds, but shown Peccerelli blunt: "The wounds never closed, are open and infected."
Bernabeu Peccerelli and agree that the trial against Ríos Montt of Guatemala will change history, so far subjected to silence by terror. "Getting to this point has not been easy, are 11 years of legal battle," says Bernabeu. "Everything has been a combination of important factors. Pedraz, trial judge in the High Court, we as lawyers for the victims and our colleagues in Guatemala we gathered to strategize and be able to prove that there was a genocide in Guatemala. The 2007 indictment issued in Spain and the subsequent arrests of some of the defendants were a blow for them and an encouragement to us all. Since that date, the defendants began to close the door of the cage inside. Then the existence of an International Commission Against Impunity in Guatemala, supported by the UN, the perseverance of a civil society and appointing untiring Claudia Paz y Paz as attorney general have been the other key factors in what is happening. "
But the Spanish lawyer, despite this major step, not deceived herself and says the battle continues. "Every testimony I expect to hear in the room before the judges, each witness who will be forced to listen Rios Montt, each story of pain, I will return, no doubt, the dignity of all these people. In my opinion, this transcends the whole society. It is a message of strength, power recovery and for future generations, for those over and somehow the obligation to change Guatemala. This is certainly a lesson for all. It is crucial to know the truth, to recognize the real victims, that they are repaired and the dignified. This is the key to the future of a new Guatemala ".
"Guatemala is the most complicated of Central America"
By Quino Petit
The door of the little cottage on a quiet street in Madrid was opened to reveal a retired ambassador with no tie, gray-bearded and lean silhouette. Máximo Cajal now lives surrounded by books and furniture deco style, away from the venues that marked his diplomatic career. But what could not erase from his memory is the assault on the Spanish Embassy in Guatemala perpetrated by police of dictator Lucas Garcia on January 31, 1980.
Cajal (Madrid, 1935) was then 45 and had a few months practicing as responsible for this chancery when two dozen Indians, among whom was the father of Nobel Peace Prize Rigoberta Menchú, the occupied to attract media attention and denounce the killing of nine peasants killed by the army in the department of Quiché. The police took a little blood and fire entering the embassy. With light and stenographers. In the eyes of dozens of journalists who witnessed the attack that left 37 dead, among whom were the Spanish diplomat Tree Jaime Ruiz. Cajal was the only survivor. He managed to escape the flames through the building and left lurked second-degree burns on 15% of his body. The Indian Gregorio Yuja was rescued alive from the pile of corpses burned, but was kidnapped hours later in the same clinic where Cajal entered and executed on the morning of February 1. Before dying he secretly granted declarations that passed into history: "Yes, the police came and threw fire into the house of the Lord ... Know who threw fire there". Cajal was transferred Yuja after the assassination of the U.S. Embassy, where he waited until his return to Madrid complex wrapped in bandages that covered his burns. "Guatemala haunts me," he says today in her living room. "Among other things, because you journalists, I bring this memory to memory".
He himself has also gone on record that nightmare in books like Knowing who set fire there! (Siddharth Mehta Publishing) and Dreams and nightmares. Memoirs of a diplomat (Tusquets). To mark the recent opening of the genocide trial of General Efrain Rios Montt, successor to lead the country of Romeo Lucas Garcia, the man under whose command the assault on the Embassy of Spain in Guatemala, Maximo Cajal access recall the horror he suffered in that country during his first assignment as ambassador. With this historical process to a former president facing war crimes charges in Latin America, Guatemala is also before the mirror the horrors of the recent past, stained with the blood of 200,000 people, mostly indigenous rural areas, which left the war between the government and the Guatemalan National Revolutionary Unity from 1960-1996.
Still no guilty of assault to the Spanish Embassy in Guatemala on January 31, 1980. Many of those responsible for this operation have already died, but the Guatemalan justice investigations have discovered thirty years later that police were instructed not one was left alive. Almost made it. As after the assault were two survivors, Yuja Gregory and I, instruction was also end those two people. Since leaving the Foreign Ministry and I was put in a police van, everything happened so fast and I let go, no matter what happened. If I had been shot four times in that truck would not have had physical or intellectual to have resisted.
Do we know who threw fire there? I think not. What I saw not even allowed to explain. At one point during the assault, there was an explosion that came from the side of the police or the side of the occupiers. They were terrified. Although there were a few shots, and you may shoot them or any of them, and although it may launch a Molotov cocktail kind of carrying on soda bottles, what happened there, with more than thirty corpses charred, it was impossible to go product of two bottles with gasoline. There was a police intervention, and indeed it is speculated that an agent was wearing a sort of flamethrower.
The Spanish government then broke off relations with Guatemala the day after the massacre. Could have done before anything else to avoid it happen? To cue to remember what it was Spain in 1980. Not that we're in good shape now, but then it was an underdeveloped country. I had a bodyguard who had put me Guatemalans and disappeared when everything happened. The embassy had no security and the door was open. That was one of the arguments they used to accuse me of being involved with the occupants, in addition to the trip I made to Quiché shortly after arriving. The rupture of relations with Guatemala was decided the day after the assault. On one side was a strong signal, but on the other hand lost all pressure capability. Except myself, the whole embassy was gone and the Spanish government had run out of capacity to manage this crisis. Guatemala's government immediately mounted their counter, centered accuse me of being in cahoots with the occupants. And I suspect that the Government of Spain at the time was an industry that thought I was responsible for what happened. I had a reputation of being a lefty, but communist? And even if it had been!
For you, Rios Montt, who is now deemed genocide in Guatemala, was the same as its predecessor, the dictator Lucas Garcia? A Rios Montt did not get to meet him because I just spent six months since my arrival at the embassy to the assault, which occurred before Rios Montt overthrow Lucas García. This man has managed for years to escape justice. But it seems that this time does not have many chances to escape the crimes he is accused ... Although I, for mental health reasons, I have tried not to go further in this issue of Guatemala, that haunts me. You are here, so I pursued.
Today What comes to mind when you think of Guatemala? A tremendous country. Violence, social injustice, racism, exclusion ... No where to take it. In Central America, is the most difficult for the Indian question, and probably the most brutal of them all. The culture of violence is impressive. The 200,000 people of the past thirty years attest.
Does someone became uncomfortable for successive governments after surviving the assault of the Spanish embassy? For Suarez government, at that time, yes. But Suarez had very good relationship. With Calvo Sotelo just had contact. And with Felipe González, the relationship was excellent, it is with the president in which I understood better. With Aznar I had no relationship. My diplomatic career ended in Paris, being ambassador to France the day Aznar won the election.
Aznar gave him a resounding rebuff to Chirac during an official visit as president of the Spanish Government. That was something distasteful, unnecessary and did not come to mind. They are simply things that should not be done, although there ideological distances, before the ambassador of a country that has been accredited by the head of state.
And how is the life of a retired ambassador who has survived presidential slights and attacks like the assault to the Embassy of Spain in Guatemala? I retired at 68, in 2002. My classmates are all retired and some dead. I do not play bridge or golf. I am dedicated to reading, writing and binding. Before that I was almost five years working in the Alliance of Civilizations, with the Zapatero government.
Do you think that has served some Alliance of Civilizations? I think it has served to create an awareness that something must be done to overcome this clash between two world views. This project is more successful outside Spain. In Zapatero's second term, there was some departure from the idea perhaps because there were other problems, something I've criticized a lot. In part, tremendous campaign against the Party. Now they are in government are hypocrites and support the Alliance of Civilizations. At least officially.
Would you was worth being diplomatic? The truth is I do not know. My career has been full of surprises since the beginning, as the horror of Guatemala. And ended up regularly. We are all proud of, and I have not forgiven Aznar what I did. I would not have been an ambassador for Aznar, but the last years of my life have been very marginal diplomatic.
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