欧洲連合は、金融問題に対して、解決能力無し、欧州行政委員会の不能、欧州委員会の指導性の無さ、欧州共通の問題解決認識は無く、各国ばらばらに対応、ドイツの利己主義の対応は酷い、
ANÁLISIS
El desgobierno europeo
La crisis en Chipre ha puesto de manifiesto los graves problemas de la Unión Europea
José Ignacio Torreblanca 23 MAR 2013 - 17:09 CET
ANALYSIS
The European anarchy
The Cyprus crisis has highlighted the serious problems of the European Union
José Ignacio Torreblanca 23 MAR 2013 - 17:09 CET
What happened this week on Cyprus has shown with total brutality to what extent the EU has a problem of lawlessness. There are four reasons why the European decision-making system is galling.
"The system does not solve problems. First, it is effective in tackling the problems it seeks to solve. Quite the contrary, tends to aggravate. This is true both at the macro and micro level. In the first, we see growth stagnates, unemployment continues to rise and the debt is not reduced but grows. The combination of a wrong diagnosis of the crisis focused on public debt, followed by requirements articulated around extreme austerity and some European leaders stuck to the electoral arena in each country have led to a system of permanent crisis.
A faulty design of the euro zone and erroneous policies has joined dejaciones a decade that have made the EU a minefield: falsifying statistics Greece, Italy refused to reduce debt, Germany flooding partners money cheap unlimited Spain priming a housing bubble, Ireland inflating its financial sector and fiscal dumping by their partners, Cyprus riding a tax haven in the service of Russia, and so on.
The accumulation of such toxic imbalances series, along with the lack of effective tools to deal with the crisis, puts us in a situation in which all newly acquired systemic problems. Spain and Italy that they were understandable, but to tiny Greece and Cyprus could destabilize the entire euro area gives the true idea of the fragility of the system and lack of security mechanisms.
The system is so fragile that it can destabilize the tiny Cyprus
That policies to overcome the crisis is clearly not working and that the European institutions and their leaders are not up to the job is too, but the EU remains installed on the complacency of small steps and pride to ask time and patience. How much?
"The system is not accountable. The second reason that the European decision-making system is running its legitimacy has to do with procedures, transparency and accountability. Here too, the evidence accumulates, both at the macro and micro.
Apparently, everyone knew that Cyprus was the Russian black money laundry and oversized tax haven. Not talking about the Bahamas, but the territory of the EU, one of the most regulated in the world. Is there no one responsible for that we have come to this?
The saga of the comings and goings on bank deposits also offers a telling example of how difficult it is to understand who makes decisions and hold someone liable for errors. Has the Cypriot government, the Eurogroup, the Commission, Germany, the ECB and all those responsible for the mess of deposits Cypriots? Neither will we know what we know and so we can not be held accountable.
Is there anyone that we come to this?
Again, what is true of small decisions so is over large. Commissioner Rehn, beset by empirical evidence and experts, who question the malfunction of extreme austerity, defends sending a letter to the Member States in which they called for calm and assured them that we are on the right track . That is the state of democracy in the EU, the substitution of political debate in public by an exchange of letters full of condescension and communicated.
"The Commission and Parliament are offside. Even more serious is the sorry state of the European Commission, which adds a fourth factor to mismanagement. Its President, Barroso is disappeared under the shadow cast by the figure of the President of the Council, Van Rompuy. Little by little, with great discretion and using their innocent appearance, this skillful Belgian politician has more power than I ever could imagine. With this, the European Commission, as guardian of the Treaties and representative of the general European interest, has been turned into a kind of army of Pancho Villa where each Commissioner is on his own and interprets its mission in accordance with their own capabilities and limitations. If all were equally competent Commissioners (remember, there are no less than 27), the lack of leadership and would be a problem, but the reality is that the quality of this Commission is so skewed that its political role is shorted.
Given the weakness of the Commission, most of the political substance is left to the Member States and the Council. Even assuming that all states were equal, we would find a serious problem because, as we know, no committees tend to be best suited to making decisions. Can you imagine that Spain was ruled by the Conference of Presidents Autonomous and they had to make the state budget unanimously? Surely that would display the nightmare. But is that also in the Council the power differences between Member States are as brutal and have been exacerbated by this crisis so that what happens here is more akin to the law of the jungle where the strongest impose their rules and others are silent that an executive or legislative (which is both).
But of all the institutions, the Eurogroup and the ECB, except government converted the EU takes the cake for opacity and no accountability. The ultimatum issued to Cyprus by the ECB to agree to the conditions of the Eurogroup or to leave the euro zone is a clear case of how the language of power that long characterized relations between European states, and that the EU aimed to overcome, is back. In a Europe that wants to at least appear to be a minimally democratic rule of law, a decision of the caliber of teaching the exit door to a Member State should be able to take the Council, in accordance with the European Parliament on a proposal from the European Commission, not the President of the Eurogroup, the ECB president, and apparently Angela Merkel. We are in 2013, not in 1914.
"The predominance of national thinking. The last reason for the problems of lawlessness and legitimacy has to do with the fragmentation of politics along with visions of national crisis, national identities and different election cycles. We have a European democracy because we have a European government responsible to the people and not have a European demos enabling solidarity among citizens. From their perspective, the German parliament is right to argue that no German savers pay for the excesses of Greek or Cypriot. For the same reason, the Cypriot parliament refuses to accept a plan to commit suicide will not have the support of its citizens. That sum of rational decisions leads to collective disaster since it generates a crash between conflicting legitimacy. Now that we live in the parliamentary ratification process of the Constitutional Treaty. Given the impossibility of reforming the treaties for fear of blocking, many decisions are taken now via intergovernmental and we find that, at every step, the fuse blows parliament in a country and you have to start over.
"Yes, there are options. In the sixth year since the crisis began, most leaders still understand that you can not govern the euro crisis with 17 governments, 17 parliaments and a central bank that has one hand tied behind its back. Surprise some, but we have a knowledge deficit. We are puzzled by a strange virus transmission mechanism which we do not understand. What happens to Europe's meridian: if you want a common currency union will have to have a bank, which means Europeans have mechanisms of banking supervision, deposit insurance and crisis resolution. And that requires, in turn, have a minimum common taxes and common fiscal policies are not undermined each other. This in turn requires greater coordination of economic policies and monitor more imbalances that they accrue, both on the side of creditors and debtors. For obvious reasons, all these tasks can only be undertaken by institutions that are democratically legitimized to citizens, not only at the time of their choice, but in every decision they make, and that will have to be monitored closely. The euro needs an executive and a legislature and a balance of power between them, not technocracy committee that we have today.
Not required to give all these steps towards a political union more capable and legitimate. Those who want to can say "no thanks" and get off the train. But follow deceiving and pretend we are on the right track is a suicidal strategy. Without this union banking, fiscal and economic, and political legitimacy without instruments, the euro will never be stable and in place to benefit their citizens, will bring unnecessary suffering. Everything else is the melancholy wail of Macbeth on the meaning of life after the death of wife, "sound and fury, tale told by an idiot, signifying nothing."
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