欧州危機への対策。1)財政赤字対策の財政協定、2)欧州救済基金の創立、3)欧州中央銀行による国債の購入、4)欧州の銀行統合、スペインの銀行の直接資本注入による資本増強には手遅れ
TRIBUNA
Una carrera contra el tiempo
La recesión puede matar el sueño europeo si no hay luz al final del túnel
Federico Steinberg 20 DIC 2012 - 00:00 CET
TRIBUNE
A race against time
The recession may kill the European dream if there is no light at the end of the tunnel
Federico Steinberg 20 DIC 2012 - 00:00 CET
Things come to southern Europe before? Is economic growth that allows citizens to see the light at the end of the tunnel or the rise of anti-euro party that can win elections with citizen unrest capitalizing settings? This is the main question on which depends the survival of the euro. It is also the most difficult to clear.
Since the crisis began, the elites of the euro zone, this time dominated by creditor countries, have drawn a roadmap to complete the institutional architecture of the euro and ensure its survival. It is up a long, steep staircase that is supposed to end in political union. Furthermore, as the climb we have to go save the obstacles that appear along the way, often distract the ultimate goal and that take the form of shocks that we will continue to give Greece, Finland impose blockades, tantrums that have the Bundesbank and tensions that generate volatility risk premium.
The problem of the roadmap for the EU is that it is designed to citizenship back
Today, they have already uploaded the first steps. First, it has signed a fiscal pact for combating constitutionalize deficit. Second, it has created a European bailout fund amounts to something like a fire department can put out small fires (because for large lacks ammo). Third, the European Central Bank (ECB) has announced that it will begin to act as a lender of last resort and buy all the debt it takes for countries seeking assistance to Brussels (this would become the fire department for large fires which are those that can occur in countries like Spain, Italy or France). Finally, has set a roadmap for banking union, that beyond the Spanish disappointment at the fact that not arrive in time for the direct recapitalization of our financial institutions, has a calendar on the table.
Every step you climb involves a transfer of sovereignty increasingly to European institutions, which also means accepting rules that, far from being agreed by all (something that never happened anyway), or cooked in a Franco-balanced German (as has happened throughout the history of European integration), are now designed by a strange pairing of the Berlin-Frankfurt, which occasionally agrees to receive any advice from France or the European Commission, and whose democratic legitimacy is at least debatable.
Disappointment can be exploited by those who propose a better world outside the euro
According to the roadmap, the future holds follow up steps. First, the fiscal union, understood as the European Commission to veto national budgets if they do not like and do not like creating Eurobonds or a large EU budget that can be used to transfer resources to countries that grow those who are in recession. Then the economic union, understood as approval (under the supervision of Brussels) of structural reforms in the southern countries (France included) that make us all walk toward Germanization of our economies (this is already being done by the back door but there is still some way to go). And finally, the political union, where finally we will review the mechanisms of legitimation of new European institutions when we find that countries no longer have a say on almost any element of national economic policies. This will require a debate on how to democratize the election of officials of the Commission and give more powers to the European Parliament.
The problem with this road is that it is designed to give back to the citizens. This should not surprise us. The European Union has always been an elite project, an exercise in enlightened despotism whose legitimacy stemmed from their success. And until recently, it worked because the Union's democratic deficit is not too bothered anyone when their policies citizens allowed us experience the highest welfare standards in the world. The problem is that, given the severity of the current recession in southern Europe, which incidentally comes from a financial crisis caused by a way of understanding capitalism's own English-speaking world more than in continental Europe, citizens seem willing to follow blindly climbing the ladder of European if not told at what point these policies will generate growth. And citizen disenchantment can be exploited by parties that pose that there is a better world out of the euro and outside Europe, which, although not true, more and more people have wanted to hear.
The leaders of the South have to develop a narrative that explains what sacrifices are made. But that will not be enough. At the same time, northern creditors must provide policies that allow citizens begin to see light at the end of the tunnel, meaning that there is growth and employment. Failure to arrive on time, the recession will end up killing the European dream.
Federico Steinberg is principal investigator of the Elcano Royal Institute and professor at the Autonomous University of Madrid.
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